[AP European History DBQ Sample Essay (p.40): http://secure-media.collegeboard.org/digitalServices/pdf/ap/ap-european-history-ced-practice-exam.pdf [Introduction] [Opening sentences to indicate topic and context] Each of the World Wars acted as a catalyst for women’s rights and roles in society. In WWI, many women were asked to take on traditionally male roles in order to support the war industry and to keep up production of other goods and services that typically were considered in a man’s domain. [Indicate an outside source for contextualization over and above the provided sources]. In Britain, in the decades leading up to the first World War, views of women were heavily based on the image and person of Queen Victoria. She was considered almost angelic in her role as “mother,” “wife,” and “feminine woman.” Queen Victoria was lauded as the prime example of virtuous woman and mother; after her husband King Albert died, she denied involvement in politics, and instead became a secluded, devoted mother at Balmoral Castle. Through her actions and the image she presented to her nation, she was held up as a standard for women to attain. The demands of wartime at the outset of WWI, however, prompted women to reconsider their position in society; there was, of course, pushback from male political leaders and commoners alike. It is evident that women were expected to remain submissive and supportive, feminine and nurturing. Many men at the time concluded that women had neither the mental capability or social responsibility to participate in politics. The resistance to women’s political rights was rooted, therefore, in a misogynist bias against women’s participation outside the home and men’s inherent right to be in charge. [First paragraph - supports the thesis that a pre-existing bias created the tension between traditional views of women, and women’s demand for political equity]. Bias against women in the workforce was often based on misperceptions, or a fabricated idea about what a woman “shouldn’t” be. Although men seemed to be threatened by the emerging female workforce during the course of WWI, in fact, women’s involvement in the industrial workforce was not actually very different prior to the war in contrast to during the war. One statistic indicates that there was only a 6% increase in women in the industrial workforce from 1911-1914 (“Women as percentage of the industrial workforce in France, 1911–1926”) [Always remember to make clear what document you are referencing]. Women were clearly already involved and motivated to work, either out of desire or necessity. Post-war pushback from men generally, and male politician’s specifically, that claimed women needed to return home, was obviously rooted in a bias that insisted women act only within their roles as wife and mother. During the war, British men who were on the front also indicated their anxiety about the perceived shift in women’s interest in typically male-dominated work; for instance, Private G. F. Wilby writes to his fiance: “don’t develop into one of those ‘things’ that are doing men’s work...don’t spoil yourself by carrying on with a man’s work.” [Always record documents carefully, word for word, in quotes] Hearkening back to the elevated image of Queen Victoria as an angel in the home, Private Wilby’s letter represents a broad societal expectation that women be untarnished by “men’s” work or concerns. However, this bias did not take into account the reality of lower class women already working in hard labour jobs out of necessity. The war merely highlighted an emerging shift in industrial work roles that included both men and women. [This paragraph made connections to the contextual reference to Queen Victoria and the other documents to reinforce the thesis] Though many women may have worked in the industrial workforce prior to WWI, the war did spur women to take up responsibilities in previously male-dominated roles [This opening statement makes a connection with the previous paragraph while developing the argument]. Women gained confidence and perseverance, and collectively women began to dismiss the celebrated image of women as solely domestic. Due to the absence of many male labour workers, women became solely responsible to keep farms and businesses going. The French author, the Countess de Courson wrote in 1916 that “[d]espite the crushing weight of physical and emotional fatigue, [women] continued, with few exceptions, to face up to the necessities of the war.” [The symbols [ ] indicate a word you have added or changed; in this case first from capital to lower-case, then a changed word] Though they were often emotionally and physically fatigued by the burden and the grief of lost loved ones, peasant women accomplished their work “admirably,” according to the Countess de Courson. [Use clear logic as depicted in this next sentence to make connections from one point/source to the next] Striking also, is the accounting of women who worked typically male jobs during the war, as depicted by the poet Madeline Ida Bedford in her poem, “Munition Wages.” She writes: “Earning high wages? / Yes, five pounds a week. / A woman, too, mind you, / I calls it damn sweet.” Bedford indicates that women were, in fact, enjoying their newfound pay scale, and were quite aware that this remuneration was not typical for women. Unfortunately, there is not exactly a call for women’s political freedoms in Bedford’s poem, as might be expected from a female writer; she makes the speaker in the poem to appear rather flippant about the future, which is obviously uncertain. In fact, the speaker says, “I spends the whole racket / On good times and clothes” because “We’re all here today, mate, / Tomorrow—perhaps dead.” Bedford could have utilized her position as a female writer to advance the representation of women as responsible, diligent earners. [Even if you use a source in support of your argument, don’t be afraid to apply some criticism to the content to show any weaknesses] Instead she makes them appear to be interested only in “silk stockings” and “good times.” That said, Bedford’s poem, in concert with the Countess’ praise of women labourers, does paint a portrait of women on the cusp of a demand for political self-determination. [This last sentence again makes a connection between the two sources] Not only did women work on home soil for the stability of their personal farms and businesses, but they also contributed meaningfully and sacrificially to the efforts on the front. [The opening sentence has successfully connected the previous paragraph to this next one] The sacrifices of women on the front are portrayed as being minimized, or even seen as a threat, by male politicians. One magazine cartoon, titled “Votes for Heroines as well as Heroes,” portrays a mythic-looking woman with the title of “chivalry” on her head, standing above a male politician who is doggedly working against women’s right to vote. The caption below states: “Men and women protect one another in the hour of death. With the addition of the woman’s vote, they would be able to protect one another in life as well.” This comment directly relates to the incident of the sinking of a British hospital ship in 1915, in which British nurses died to give up spots on lifeboats to injured British soldiers. The heroism and sacrifice displayed and subsequently evoked by this image brazenly confronts the naive assumption that men were the only people dying at war; women also were brave and dedicated to the service of their country. Likewise [a connecting word], in her memoir, Maria Botchkareva-Yashka of Russia recalls that when the troops were ordered to advance it was the “[women who] decided to advance in order to shame the men, having arrived at the conclusion that they would not let us perish in No Man’s Land. . . . Some of my girls were killed outright, many were wounded.. . .[but] our regiment alone captured two thousand prisoners.” Botchkareva-Yashka’s account boldly calls the men’s troops “cowards” while comparing them with the sacrificial and daring actions of the women’s regiment. The document indicates that she is confident in her voice as a woman, and considers it equal, if not paramount to that of a man. Clearly, many women at this time were tired of being deemed domestic, inferior non-persons. [Be confident with your argument, and reasserting it throughout your paper as this previous sentence does] As women increased in their confidence and sense of empowerment, so too did some men’s active antagonism of this confidence. Not only was their antagonistic attack of women political, but the language used by men towards women was belittling and infantilizing, even (or especially) towards those men keenly loved. Private Wilby pleads with his fiancee that she remain the “same loveable little woman that I left behind” with the same “womanly little ways and nature.” Within the context of time period this type of language — “little woman” and “womanly little ways” — may have been common. However, it strongly indicates a belief that men considered women to be a kind of sweet “thing,” like a baby or a fine object. The language is demeaning and condescending. In a more political document, Paul von Hindenburg, Chief of the German General Staff, writes of women’s agitation for rights. He writes that a stop must be put “to women’s agitation for parity in all professions, and thereby, of course, for political emancipation… After the war, we still need the woman for spouse and mother.” He adds, “[V]igorous action needs to be taken in order to extinguish the influence of this female rivalry, which disrupts the family.” Again, these documents reflect the belief of the period that women belonged in the domain of the home, as wife and mother, and not as persons capable of contributing politically or professionally to their society. At the turn of the 19th century, many British women were in the conceptual phase of imagining themselves in roles extending beyond the home. Many bowed to social expectations to admire and mimic their Queen. WWI, however, brought issue of women’s rights to the forefront; while the country battled on the frontlines, women battled at home to build credibility and to empower one another to demand professional and political equity. No longer were they willing to bend to the common biases against them, as depicted by several documents related in this paper. It was, of course, and continues to be a long-standing battle that continues to this day, in spite of many key victories in the struggle for the rights of women in the West. A question can be asked: What disparities and inequalities exist today that still need to be fought? [The conclusion rephrases the thesis, reflects on some key points and the documents, while asking a question at the end to stimulate potential further investigation into the topic]